![]() |
|
|
VIRTUAL BOOKS
Introduction to Delta Pieces: Northeast Louisiana FolklifeMap: Cultural Micro-Regions of the Delta, Northeast Louisiana![]() The Louisiana Delta: Land of Rivers![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() Ethnic Groups![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() Working in the Delta![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() Playing in the Delta![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() Homemaking in the Delta![]() ![]() ![]() Telling Stories in the Delta![]() ![]() ![]() Worshiping in the Delta![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() Making Music in the Delta![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() Delta Archival MaterialsBibliography
"The Big One": Deer Hunting in Northeast LouisianaBy Janery Wylie
With virtually every family member involved in some aspect of deer hunting, from the actual shooting to cooking the meat or to tanning the hide, this sport has become recognized as an important part of life in Louisiana. Getting ready for the opening of deer season in October is a major fall event. Preparation can start as early as the summer, with hunters slapping mosquitoes as they scout the woods searching for tracks and scrap marks. For opening morning, every detail must be perfect. For the dedicated hunter, no detail is too trivial For example, many hunters will only bathe with unscented soap, wear no aftershave and refrain from smoking, lest these odors alert the deer to their presence. Nothing quite equals the hunters' excitement in the chilly dawn of early autumn, as they load four wheelers and rifles onto pickup trucks getting ready to ride out to shoot the "big one." After returning from the morning and afternoon hunt, the hunters wearing their camouflage, congregate around the table to share gumbos, stews, and stories. Because the folklore of the hunt is such a vital part of life in Louisiana, these communal stories have become an essential rite for initiation into the world of hunting. Often these tales are not entirely true, but that is unimportant. "In the South, as elsewhere, myth and legend have a way of rewriting history to confirm to what is memorable" (Botkin 146). These folktales are based on the teller's original perception of events that often have altered with time or recounting. A folktale with which every Southerner is familiar is the sighting of the "big one." The format for telling the "big buck" tale is similar in every camp. The youngest member narrates first, then the more experienced hunter follows. The bigger the buck sighted; the higher the teller's status. As each hunter takes his turn, the buck, understandably, grows in both size and beauty. The theme of the story is also consistent. The hunter, who always gets a good look, never gets a good shot. The hunter usually blames his failure to shoot to being overwhelmed by the magnificence of the animal. Another consistent theme is the method of the sighting of the "big buck." Each buck just seems to materialize out of thin air. Suddenly, he is "just there." One hunter described his sighting: "Amazing. It was the largest buck I had ever seen. It was almost like he dropped out of the sky." Although overwhelmed by the sight of the buck, each hunter can provide specific details about the location and time of the sighting along with graphic descriptions of the buck, such as point spread, body size, and markings. Apparently even the most experienced hunters do not question the veracity of the storyteller. It is assumed the hunter is telling the truth. After all, each hunter knows he will have his turn, and no one wants his story questioned. The Tellers and Their NarrativesTo obtain information about the folklore of deer hunting, I interviewed hunters ranging in age from thirteen to sixty-eight. I collected this information in informal conversations and group discussions. From these interviews, I selected the following folk stories as most typical of the big buck sightings. Billie Wylie, age 65, delivered this narrative of the big buck story.
Billie Wylie's buck story, indeed, illustrates his awe and respect for the deer, and contains the same sense of disabling excitement as do many other big buck narratives. I asked a fellow hunter standing by his pickup on the side of the road one morning about his big buck story. His produced the following variant:
This narrative contains the mystic elements of the overwhelming power of the buck and a disappearance motif as well. Ali Wiley, age 13, tells this narrative.
Like the other big buck stories, Ali's contains the same elements of nervous anticipation and awe at the sight of the huge buck. Similar to the other stories, the buck runs away upon the awakening or appearance of another human. Another unidentified hunter age 23 recounts this tale.
Within such texts as the one above, the elements of the mystically disappearing deer and the loss of the opportunity find their ways into the tales. Note a similar pattern which occurs in the following passage. John Wylie Sr. related this story, and it is narrated here by his grandson.
ConclusionAll of the information gathered share three important aspects. Each story involves a large buck, only one witness, and a storyteller. Each teller whole-heartedly believes in his story. The fact that each hunter believes so forcefully in the sighting makes the story special. When people from each camp are asked if they believe these stories, they look at the questioner as if he has told a joke. Big buck stories are an integral part to deer hunting season and to deer hunters. A season would not be complete without every hunter telling his/her story at least once. Big buck stories run deep in the heart of Southern deer hunters. To these hunters, the stories are gospel. Works CitedBotkin, B.A. A Treasury of Southern Folklore. NY: Crown, 1932. Randolph, Vance. Hot Springs and Hell. Pittsburg: Folklore Associates, 1965. Wylie, Ari. Personal Interview. 10 November 1997. Wylie, Billie. Personal Interview. 5 November 1997. |
|
|